Ogenden rebels claim 43 Ethiopian soldiers

Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)

Military Communiqué

26 Feburary 2008 — Forty three TPLF Regime troops have been killed with dozens more wounded in fighting between Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) soldiers and regime forces over the last two weeks.

The bulk of the fighting has taken place in northern Ogaden in and around the Nogob province. Significant amounts of ammunition and over two dozen rifles as well as communications equipment were captured during the engagements.

One armored vehicle belonging to the regime was destroyed near Shilaabo town in western Ogaden during this period.

The TPLF regime continues to retaliate by targeting ethnic Somali civilians in Ogaden where arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings continue.

The regime has also re-instituted the practice of holding open air military courts in remote villages which often sentence local villagers to death by hanging without due process.

Military Operations Command Centre (MOCC)

Sudantribue

Asafa Dibaba and the Prevalence of the Oromo Moral Order

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

February 26, 2008

In an earlier article, we identified elements of behavioural systems pertaining to Noblesse and Vulgarity; in striking contrast with the Noble Somalis, the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians are known for the coarseness and the vulgarity of their behaviour, attitude and mentality.

Positive and negative elements of behaviour and culture are encountered among all peoples, but in general they get improved or worsened due to educational systems and the goals of the educational policy. This alone explains clearly why today Tigray-led Eritrea represents Hope, whereas Tigray-ruled Abyssinia (fallaciously re-baptized as ´Ethiopia´) stands for Despair.

Among oppressed nations, which are deprived of the basic means of national education, the oral tradition plays a major role in the prevalence of a Moral Order and the preservation of Noble Behaviour.

The Kushitic ´cousins´ of the Somalis, the Oromos, rightful heirs of the Ancient Kushitic Noblesse, are renowned for their splendid and lofty traditions. The Great Oromo Intellectual Asafa Dibaba makes a point in that the Oromo oral tradition has to become integral system of the Oromo educational system in order to help preserve and perpetuate the Oromo Moral Order among younger generations.

We will publish his lengthy and pioneering analysis in several parts, as we believe that – beyond its great sociological and philological value – it consists in an excellent proof of the persistence of the African Spiritual Originality at a time of globally attested moral degradation and decomposition.

Asafa Dibaba´s text demonstrates in and by itself how much the Mankind owes to the Oromo Nation, and what the Oromos can offer to us all.

I. Background

Be it that you ask school children where moral values come from. No doubt, one would say this: values come from one´s family, friends, community, et cetera. Later in life this same lad happens in a situation where his superior authority asks him to take an action which is legally or morally questionable. Though one should obey a legitimate authority, but the action is not moral: see the person caught in a moral dilemma? In such a case, at least our recent political experience has shown us that all too often people obey authority and do what they ordinarily know to be morally wrong. Now, questions to logically follow from the above example: How come a law-abiding citizen who knows ´right from wrong´ can act immorally in such a situation? And can we be satisfied with his simply knowing where those values come from?

Ostensibly, in our higher institution, only when things are going well, more experimentation with education is supported, more idealistic goals are pursued. It seems more in the ideological sphere that education is expected to play a leading role. Somewhere, but, out there is an unheard voice, an immense unsatisfied demand for moral education. If, a big if, there is ever an education related to moral in our higher institution, it has been that appended to the mainstream ´civic education—´ ´civic´ or ´civil,´ as it were. If there is, it needs to become much more than a word. It seems that ´civic education´ is inherently ideologically fermented. During times of rapid social change, such that we are in, the role of education in the services of morally equipping the young generation and building the nation is emphasized. It is categorically asserted that moral education serves as a major vector in society. These and other related moral issues are argued in the first section of this article: the problem stated, and theories explicated. The second section forwards this general proposal for moral education.

II. Introduction

Traditionally, among the Oromo, like other African societies, moral/social order was abiding. Children were taught to accept the responsibilities and duties assigned to them and told to obey through the family, age groups, and elders. They obeyed instructions implicitly and deviations from cultural norms were severely frowned upon. It was duties of the elders, religious and institutional leaders to contact the youth with this type of frame of mind to initiate/educate them along culturally accepted norms and predictions. Thus, social control was exercised and discipline was enacted through socialization rites and oral cultures.

The spirit of togetherness, cooperation and solidarity and a strong zeal in patriotic feeling was rooted on solid basis, they also lived in harmony with nature. The young generation has now come to disregard traditional beliefs and customs. Today, more than ever, it has become apparent that there is a general reluctance in the society related to the problem of moral values. Indigenous moral values, i.e., native values, used to maintain morality, humanity and identity are now influenced by exotic forces and have become powerless. As a result, the young generation is succumbing to antisocial antinational behaviours.

It has become imperative to turn to a critical examination of factors affecting the basic state of moral equilibrium, i.e., the moral community and the paradigm built around it, namely, a combination of social order and autonomy. While anyone would argue otherwise, the young generation must first be taught some code of behavior. If it is left "up to each person to decide", the actual result will be children who turn into immoral, wish-washy, and "unable to take a firm position on anything" type people. The notions that "there is no ultimate right and wrong", and "every choice needs to be evaluated on current feelings, beliefs, and the situation itself" may be true for mature adults with a good education, adequate analytical abilities and reasoning. This is absurd for young people who lack solid framework of knowledge and experience to draw upon and just starting out in life with no solid foundation of experience or morality.

Therefore, it will be the purpose of the present article to a) identify/categorize the problem; b) examine into the logical account of the category; and c) suggest workable recommendations.

In any literate and pre-literate societies culture had cultivated values upon which their survival rests. Such values among others include: mutual respect and honour, love, truthfulness, honesty and trust, religiosity, equity, regard, equality, work ethics, patriotism, nationalism, sex sanctity, humanity, solidarity and harmony in societies. In this competitive yet cooperative world, issues of morality and humanity are becoming crucial. There is an increasing need to provide context for public discourse on institutional policy matters related to education, development, and peace and tranquility along with the need to foster the ability of youth to make autonomous moral judgments.

Our communities are observed to be undergoing some kind of transformation into urban-oriented livelihoods. In line with the transformation, paradoxically, there is a general withdrawal of morality and irreligiosity as a natural means of expressing the hitherto existing moral order and harmony with some degree of accepted sense of decorum. This ever increasing societal moral decline calls for ´moral education´ / ´character education´. Moral education offered in religious schools had too many setbacks: first, under the umbrella of religious education, the focus was to indoctrinate, not to educate. Therefore, it was hampered by the problems inherent in the competitive indigenous and exotic values.

Second, to put in effect some partisan and ideological programme of the status quo through ´hidden–curricula´, now made explicit as ´civic education´, the need for ´moral education´ has been put under the rug. It is believed that the generation devoid of morality, humanity and identity and acculturated to irreligiosity, apathy, reluctance, indifference, treachery and social evils cannot easily be corrected late in adolescence through the mere ´civic education´. The need for civic education later in schools presupposes that indigenous moral education seems to be regaining its importance in educational institutions as early as possible. The inculcation of the ideals of moral values, namely, good behaviour, love, mutual respect and truthfulness in our young people now seems to be compulsory.

Reasons why moral education is now compelling: first, in the face of unbalanced economy and ever-increasing urban population there is this wide-ranging fear that traditions are being eroded, consequently, social order is at stake. Second, Oromo [m]oral culture used to maintain morality, humanity and identity and sustain social consensus (tolerance, peace and solidarity) now need to be critically re-examined vis-à-vis the ongoing socio-cultural and political dynamism.

Third, the Abyssinian long-standing ´hidden curricula´, now eventually made explicit in the EPRDF Educational Policy, has been ostensibly to inculcate sense of Abyssinian Patriotism and Unity in the young generation through ´civic´ and ´church education´. Against this wave of enslavement, moral education is imperative for our children to ensure a strong sense of nationalism and enduring patriotic fervor. Moreover, sustainable development and democracy in itself calls for a thorough re-consideration with sufficient attention to the historical and cultural context in which they are applied. The need for some techniques and strategies to exercise and consolidate sense of democratic and moral competence in the young generation while maintaining autonomy and order at equilibrium necessitates a thorough scrutiny.

Hence, this article is believed to be timely and will raise important issues. We will publish the next part of Asafa Dibaba´s essay in a forthcoming article.

Ethiopa's war on its own

By Ronan Farrow February 25, 2008
DADAAB, KENYA -- The bullet tore through Ibrahim Hamad's torso and lodged in his hip. The 26-year-old teacher was at home with his elderly father when government forces swept through his town in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, burning huts and killing civilians. "The young girls were the first to die. The soldiers shot them and gathered the bodies and burned them," he said. The troops demanded that surviving men join their ranks, threatening those who refused with torture, imprisonment and death. "When they came to my home, I told them, 'I am just a schoolteacher, I will not leave my family,' " said Hamad. In a bleak whisper, he recounted the ordeal that followed. "They strangled my father with a wire and hung his body in a tree. Then they shot me and left me for dead."Hamad now struggles to survive in this remote refugee camp in northern Kenya, joining thousands who have fled a reign of terror by the Ethiopian army. Little noticed by the world, Ethiopia is waging war against its own people in the Ogaden desert. Long-simmering tensions erupted last April when separatist rebels attacked a Chinese-run oil field. The Ethiopian government responded by ejecting humanitarian agencies and launching a scorched-earth campaign in the region.The targeting of the predominantly ethnic-Somali Ogaden population has led to accusations of ethnic cleansing. In October, Human Rights Watch:ABE8kZuMg2AJ:hrw.org/english/docs/2007/10/03/ethiop17010.htm+human+rights+watch+ogaden+frighteningly+familiar+pattern&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=5&gl=us warned that events in Ogaden were following a "frighteningly familiar pattern" to those in Somalia's Darfur region, noting "ethnic overtones" to attacks and accusing Ethiopia of "displac[ing] large populations" and "deliberately attack[ing] civilians." Government forces have been implicated in escalating looting, burnings and atrocities. Recently, soldiers have begun a brutal campaign of forced conscription, often torturing or killing those who refuse to join.The Ethiopian government has suppressed most news from the region, sealing Ogaden's borders and denying access to the media. Last May, three New York Times reporters researching the crisis were held for five days and had their equipment confiscated. Ethiopian officials have been quick to dismiss mounting reports of bloodshed as propaganda. But in this camp, refugees fleeing Ogaden tell stories of rape, torture and mass murder perpetrated against civilian villages by Ethiopia's military.However, it is the U.S. government, not Ethiopia's, that elicits the most anger from Hamad and the other Ogadenis seeking shelter in Dadaab. The bullet that shattered Hamad's hip, and the gun that fired it, were likely supplied by the United States. The soldier who pulled the trigger was almost certainly compensated with U.S. military aid. The U.S. has historically provided Ethiopian forces with arms, funding and training. In recent years, the bond has deepened, with Ethiopia's military serving as a proxy for American interests in a region increasingly viewed as a crucial front in the war on terrorism. Since 9/11, military aid to Ethiopia has soared, growing at least 2 1/2 times by 2006. A close intelligence-sharing relationship between the governments has burgeoned. In the face of mounting evidence of atrocities, some U.S. officials are questioning the no-strings-attached backing of Ethiopia's army. "This is a country that is abusing its own people," said Rep. Donald M. Payne (D-N.J.), chairman of the House subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, accusing the Bush administration of "look[ing] the other way" as Ethiopia's abuses worsen. Last fall, the House passed the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act, sponsored by Payne, to limit military aid to Ethiopia. It awaits action by the Senate. "The United States cannot afford to allow cooperation on the war on terror," Payne said, "to prevent us from taking a principled stance on democracy and human rights issues."Ironically, unbridled support of Ethiopia's army in the interest of combating terrorism may serve as a powerful catalyst for anti-U.S. sentiment. "We hate the U.S.A. more than the Ethiopians," one Ogadeni told me. "It is guns and money from the U.S.A. that are killing our people." If Washington wants to fight the rising tide of terrorism in the Horn of Africa, it cannot continue to turn a blind eye to the abuses of its closest ally in the region. The U.S. wields unique influence over Ethiopia; how it uses that influence will determine Ogaden's future. Legislators should continue to press the Bush administration to help stop the bloodshed. Current levels of U.S. aid should be made contingent on Ethiopia halting its attacks on civilians. That might sacrifice some goodwill with Ethiopian officials -- but it could save the people of the Ogaden. Ronan Farrow, a student at Yale Law School, has worked on human rights issues for the House Foreign Affairs Committee and recently accompanied a congressional delegation to the Horn of Africa.

www.latimes.com

Somali town overrun by Islamists

Government forces have been struggling to maintain controlSomali Islamists seized control of a southern town on Sunday, killing nine government troops.
The rebels, armed with rocket launchers and machine guns, voluntarily retreated after three hours, said a police officer in Dinsoor, Mohamed Ahmadey.
He said the town had been under "no-one's control" since the incident, in which eight soldiers were wounded.
For more than a year, government forces backed by Ethiopian troops have struggled to assert control in Somalia.
The capital, Mogadishu, has often been the focus of the fighting between the government forces and the Islamists they ousted from power.
But the incident on Sunday shows the Islamists are increasing their attacks outside Mogadishu, says the BBC's Mohamed Olad Hassan in Somalia.

A spokesman for the Islamists' Shahab youth wing, Sheikh Muktar Ali Robow, told local radio that he was leading the rebel unit that seized the town.
"Our troops moved into the town to dismiss bandits under the cloak of Somalia's honourable army. We defeated those, burned three of their military vehicles and seized two others,” he said.
“We spoke to the town's residents in public and told them that we were not in a position to harm any one and ordered them to maintain their ordinary activities, and later withdrew from the town,” he said.
Residents of the town confirmed the incident, but there has been no comment yet from any senior government official.

BBC

Ethiopian Migrants Dumped Off of Country's North Coast

Garowe Online (Garowe)

23 February 2008
Posted to the web 24 February 2008

Nearly 120 Ethiopian migrants were dumped off of north Somalia's coastal town of Las Qoray and informed that they were on Yemeni shores, local sources reported Saturday.

Las Qoray residents awoke today to find the migrants near the coast, including women and children.

A local source told Garowe Online that the migrants are from Ethiopia, and most belong to that country's ethnic Oromo majority.

The migrants told Las Qoray locals that they were thrown overboard when they "saw lights" in the distance. The armed smugglers apparently told the migrants that they had reached the shores of Yemen, a destination for migrants fleeing the Horn of Africa region

The boat was loaded in a small village east of the port city of Bossaso, the commercial hub of the Puntland regional autonomy, the migrants said.

The boat stayed on the high seas for many hours and then got close to the shore during the night, when the unsuspecting migrants could be easily tricked.

"They [migrants] told us they were thrown overboard," said a local clan elder who spoke with the Ethiopians. "They looked tired and were in very bad shape.

The Bossaso-to-Yemen smuggling route kills hundreds of African migrants each year. Earlier this week, at least 37 people, mostly Somalis and Ethiopians, died in the Gulf of Aden as they attempted to reach the Yemeni coast.

Las Qoray is located in Sanaag, a region disputed for years between Puntland and the neighboring self-declared Republic of Somaliland.

But since last year, Las Qoray and much of Sanaag region has remained in the hands of local clan leaders who established the Maakhir State of Somalia, which considers itself part of federal Somalia but independent of both Somaliland and Puntland.

Oromo coffee making ceremony

NZ Fire Service celebrates diversity whilst fires burn

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AWARE OF THE RISK: Zahara Abbawaajii takes part in a regular Oromo coffee making ceremony. The Fire Service is concerned by some cultural traditions that pose a fire risk.


Cultural fires on the rise
By REBECCA PAPPRILL - Eastern Courier | Wednesday, 06 February 2008

A rise in household fires caused by cultural ceremonies has the Fire Service concerned there is a relaxed attitude to fire safety.

"There are many cultural activities that use fire or heat-related objects."
Such traditional occasions are the Pacific Island umu, Maori hangi, barbecues, braziers, the use of candles during religious events and prayers, and the African Oromo coffee making ceremony.

A common theme involves households taking down their fire alarms or putting a plastic bag over them during an occasion, then forgetting to rearrange them correctly, Mr Stephens says.

New Zealand Oromo Association chairman Abduro Witago says the coffee making ceremony has caused a few home fires.

The ceremony, which uses equipment such as a portable gas oven, heated coal and burning incense, makes it a high fire risk.

The community can perform the ceremony up to four times a week.

It is a traditional way of coming together and communicating with one another, Mr Witago says.

"As long as we aren’t told we are not allowed to make it, then it is okay," coffee maker Zahara Abbawaajii says.


Mr Stephens says the Fire Service welcomes and celebrates cultural diversity, but extra caution is required to keep the number of fires down.

http://www.stuff.co.nz/auckland/4388464a6016.html

Ethiopian Gen. 'slaps Somali President'

Ethiopian Gen. 'slaps Somali President'
Fri, 22 Feb 2008 16:20:44

Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed

An Ethiopian general have slapped Somali interim President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed twice on the face, officials say.

The row between President Yusuf Ahmed and Gen. Gabre Heard started after the president accused the army general of disobeying the orders given by the Somali government, a Somali official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told the Press TV correspondent in Mogadishu.

Irked by the Somali President's remarks, who accused the Ethiopian troops of firing artillery at the Presidential Palace and the government bases, the army general slapped the Somali president on the face.

The angry general then swore that he would kill the president and left the room.

Following the quarrel, the president called Amison peace keeping troops for security.

There is speculation that a conflict could arise between the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amison) and Ethiopian troops.

Gen. Gabre has his supporters in the government, including Mogadishu Mayor Mohamed Omar Habeeb and head of the security agency Mohamed Warsamme Darwiish.

MRD/RE

Equal Exchange Mulls Re-naming Ethiopian Coffee

Say my Name:

Equal Exchange Mulls Re-naming Ethiopian Coffee

By Barth Anderson

Joe Riemann, Equal Exchange Coffee Co-op and Arfasse Gemeda, Youth Organizer for the Oromo Community of Minnesota

Is Organic Ethiopian coffee misnamed? Equal Exchange thinks so, and out of respect for the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Equal Exchange Coffee Co-op is changing the name of its Organic Ethiopian coffee to Organic Oromian.

Fair Trade Organic Ethiopian Coffee is Equal Exchange's second best selling "Point of Origin" coffee (Colombian is first) and the coffee company purchased over 420,000 lbs of coffee from Ethiopia last year, for use in various blends.

Equal Exchange will test-launch this name change in Minnesota co-ops in February.

"Some customers may see it as just a new name for their coffee," said Equal Exchange's Joe Riemann, responsible for spearheading this project, "but coffee means so much to the Oromian people. This name change is powerful for them on a real personal, social, and cultural identity level."

Starting in February, co-op shoppers will see signs like this one on Equal Exchange's Organic Ethiopian

The name change from Ethiopian to "Organic Oromian" would specify for consumers where the coffee comes from, Oromia (o-ROH-mia), which is the homeland of the Oromo people.

"Oromia isn't internationally recognized," Riemann said, "and that's the problem."

Oromos constitute the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and nearly one hundred percent of Equal Exchange's Fair Trade Organic Ethiopian coffee comes from the Oromia Coffee Cooperative Union. In fact, much of the coffee grown in Ethiopia is grown in Oromia.

The name change is being tested here because Minnesotans have a unique connection to Oromia: We are home to the largest single Oromo population outside Ethiopia. Some 20,000 Oromos live in Minnesota, according to Oromo Community in Minnesota.

"This community is right under our noses, and most shop in the same places where co-op people shop, go to the same coffee shops. It felt important to reach out to them and co-op shoppers at the same time," Riemann said.

"Bringing Oromos and co-op shoppers together over Fair Trade coffee is a very cool thing."

Say My Name

As Riemann said, it might seem a matter of semantics, but Oromos have endured stiff cultural repression for decades under various Ethiopian administrations. As explained by spokesperson from the Oromo Community of Minnesota, who asked to remain anonymous for this article, cultural identity is always at stake for Oromos.

"Nearly 100% of Ethiopian coffee comes from Oromia. But the government of Ethiopia wants to hide Oromia by not attaching [its] real name to the coffee. There are strong identity issues at play in this issue."

This is because Oromos have been subject to what can only be called "ethnic cleansing" in Ethiopia. Under several governments dating back to Emperor Selassie (who was overthrown in 1974) the Oromo language was banned, their people were resettled, unlawful internments were forced upon them, and even the name "Oromia" was replaced by a highly offensive moniker. For this reason, identifying Oromian coffee as "Ethiopian" is one more way of keeping these people invisible.

"I deserve to be called by my right name," said the spokesperson. "If someone calls me by a name I don't want, that's an infringement of one's rights. We greatly appreciate Equal Exchange for being a voice to Oromos in Oromia."

Black Gold

The need for a name change became clear after a recent showing of the movie Black Gold, a documentary about Fair Trade coffee featuring the Oromia Coffee Farmers Cooperative Union in Ethiopia. The movie was shown jointly by Equal Exchange and the Oromo Student Union, and the discussion afterwards was potent. The audience was almost all Oromos except for Riemann and Scott Patterson, coordinator of Equal Exchange's Minneapolis Office.

"Afterwards, they were asking, 'Why is this coffee called Ethiopian when it comes from Oromia?' " Riemann said. "It was totally emotional. I mean, I got emotional, too."

Dee, an Oromo American woman, was deeply moved by Black Gold, especially by images of starving children in lush green farmland.

"There was a lot of concern and emotion in the room that night. The people on my mother's side were all coffee farmers," Dee said. Dee herself is part of a generation born in diaspora here in Minnesota, people who fled cultural oppression in Ethiopia. "My generation, we're aware that coffee is part of our culture, but we don't make connections about where we're buying our coffee here."

She added, "I've only been drinking Equal Exchange coffee since that night."

Aware that Equal Exchange might act on behalf of Oromos in America as well as Ethiopia, Riemann wanted his company to consider a name change for the coffee, to honor the people who grow this coffee.

But can a company give up name recognition and "brand" allegiance so easily? "Ethiopian" is one of the most widely recognized coffee names on the market, after all.

So to weigh support for the name change, Equal Exchange posted a "friendly petition" online, and Oromos from around the planet have weighed in to voice their approval. From the petition site:

By changing the name of your "Organic Ethiopian" to "Organic Oromian", you will give an opportunity for the voices of the millions of oppressed Oromo people to be heard.

Recognition of the Oromo people will eventually improve the human rights situation in Ethiopia and improve stability in the Horn of Africa.

We families of coffee growers want our coffee should be named "Oromian organic coffee" and not Ethiopian organic coffee.

Over a thousand signatures have been gathered so far from Oromos and others in far-flung regions, from Australia, Canada, Kentucky, to Germany.

"This is their family," said Scott Patterson, coordinator of Equal Exchange's Minneapolis office, "but it's Fair trade, too. It's two white guys in a room of black folks, talking about social justice in Ethiopia. This is really what Fair Trade is all about."

Just the Beginning

Because Oromos live in the West Bank, St. Paul, and Mankato, Equal Exchange believes that Minnesotans are in a better position to understand the need for this name change than others. But it's Equal Exchange's hope that the co-op community here, in particular, will embrace this change and raise the profile of Oromos in America.

"Fair trade isn't a happy touchy feely story," Patterson said, referring to the hurt and injustice behind the need for this name change. "There are no illusions. It isn't fixed. Oromos know the reality, and it's important for us to face that with them. The story is just starting."

www.wedge.coop

Open Letter to UNHCR Concerning the massacre of Oromo refugees in Bosaso, Somalia

Open Letter to UNHCR

Antonio Guterres, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
Case Postale 2500CH-1211
Genève 2 Dépôt Switzerland

Dear Commissioner Guterres,

I am writing you this letter to express our deep concern and dismay regarding the inhuman massacre of around 100 Oromo Refugees and wounding of more than 65 in Bosaso, breakaway region of Somalia, on February 5, 2008. The basic reason Oromos flee and take refuge in neighboring countries is protection from persecution due to their national identity and their political belief in Ethiopia. Unfortunately, this is not being so for these refugees. The harassment, suffering, persecution and ill treatment of Oromos perpetrated by the Ethiopian regime is crossing international boundaries. Oromo refugees are constantly being harassed, forcefully deported by would be host governments and murdered by assassin squads of TPLF/EPRDF government or by paid agents of Ethiopian government in Djibouti, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and even Yemen, where they arrive after risking their lives on the high seas where about half of those who attempt to cross perish on a regular basis.

The current regime has made its policy clear from the very beginning when it assassinated Major Jatani Ali, an Oromo refugee, a former officer in the deposed Derg regime, in Nairobi in 1991. This was followed by assassination of Mr. Adam Tukale (Mullis Abbaa Gadaa), an OLF high-ranking official in Mogadishu, in 2000. They have acquired forceful repatriation of many prominent refugees who fled to the neighboring countries, whose destinies have never been known. Last year they assassinated many Oromo former journalists in Nairobi. The current mass massacre is a culmination of this policy of physically liquidating opposition individuals wherever they go.

The universal declaration of human rights signed in 1948 and 1951, have articles that recognize the right for refugees. Any country that has signed these declarations is obliged to respect them. These neighboring countries, except those entities that were part of Somalia, are members of the United Nations, and are signatories to the universal declaration of human rights of both 1948 and 1951. When these countries are violating every letter of these declarations member countries of the UN and humanitarian organizations should not keep silent.

Dear Mr. Commissioner,
The continuation of human rights violation in Ethiopia and the generation of many refugees have been perpetrated partly because the international community had chosen to turn a blind eye. We are convinced that at this crucial moment, your leadership, and the active engagement of the International Community, could mean the difference between life and death for many Oromo Refugees as well as the troubled Horn of Africa region. We strongly believe that this horrendous and inhuman act is an augmentation of permanent policy of the Meles Zenawi regime since 1991. Several hundreds of Oromos have been killed or disappeared in neighboring countries or forced to return to Ethiopia to face injustice between 1991 and 2007.
We, therefore, appeal to the UNHCR, all UN member nations and humanitarian organizations to put necessary pressure on the governments and groups to refrain from violating the rights of refugees in their respective countries and territories under their control. We also call upon human right activists, peace and freedom -loving individuals and organizations to condemn these cowardly act and render their much needed assistance to refugees suffering without any treatment. We request urgent medical care for those wounded, since they are not getting proper treatment, provide proper burial to the dead and investigate to bring the perpetrators to justice. We specifically request the UNHCR and member nations to find a way to protect these refugees from such carnage and the unbearable death toll on the seas as they attempt to escape such fates and help those still suffering without proper medical attention. Oromos as any other peoples in the world are entitled to get refugee protection and assistance from governments and UNHCR offices.

The followings are some of the current victims on (February 5, 2008 at 2:30PM local time) massacre by two simultaneous Hand Grenade attacks in two Bosaso restaurants each owned by Oromo immigrants. There are as many wounded ones being recklessly amputated for simple treatable wounds while the others who happened not to be at the targeted places that night are being made shelter-less by burning down their houses and forcing the landlords to expel tenants lest their own houses are also burned.

1. Abdallaa Siraaj Abraahim (28) from Roobee town, Arsi Zone.
2. Adusalaam Mustafa (20) from Baroda town, Harare Zone
3. Mohamed Email Passim (18) from Machala town of Harare Zone
4. Abdujabaar Mohamed Abdo (24) from Jajuu town of Arsi Zone
5. Mohamed Said (19) from Martu Abomsa, Arsi Zone
6. Aliyyi Mohamed Aliyyii (20) from Wallo Zone
7. Abdallaa Kamala Tusee (20) from Sude, Arsi Zone
8. Ziyaad Ibraahim Hassan (30) from Galamso town of Harargee Zone
9. Abdilgafaar Abdulahi Jabran (18) from Burqaa, Walqixee Zone
10. Abdilxaaif Shubbee Mohamed (42) from Bale Zone
11. Musxafaa Saalii Abdallaa (22) from Baddano town of Harargee Zone
12. Abdullee Biluu Ahmed (19) from Shirkaa town of Arsi Zone
13. Mohamed Amiin Kadir (22) from Robe town of Arsi Zone
14. Abdulmajiid Abitii Mohamed (22) from Jajuu town of Arsi Zone
15. Daud Kadir Hussen (20) from Jaju town of Arsi Zone
16. Xaahir Husseen Abdilkariim (25) from Baale Zone
17. Umar Aadam Umar (23) from Raya town of Wallo Zone
18. Nagahuu Abdi Ali (38) from Robee town of Arsi Zone
19. Qaasim Kadir (22) from Lole town of Arsi Zone
20. Ridwaan Kadir (23) from Jaju town of Arsi Zone
21. Hassan Umar Duqaa (20) from Wallo Zone
22. Usmaail Hasso sh Aadam (47) from Machitu town of Arsi Zone
23. Abdul Fataah Sh. Abubakar (18) from Arsi Zone
24. Mohamed Hassan Alilu (20) from Wallo Zone
25. Fadluu Haajii Abdoo (20) from Arsi Zone
26. Jamaal Mohamed Ululaa (53)
27 .siraaj kadir mahamed (20) from Arsi Zone
28. Abdallaa Ahmed Maluu from Shambale Town of Wallo Zone
29. Umar Ahmed Carafaa. From Wallo Zone
30. Ahmed Mohamed Kali Wallo
31. Sulaymaan Ahmed
32. Jamaal Mohamed Saali
33. Amiin Husseen Abdulqaadir
34. Mohamed Aloo Tufaa
35. Nagayoo Abdoo Alliyyii
36. Turee Amaan Abdoo
37. Mohamed Yaasiin Ibroo
38. Ali Mohamed Bashiir
39. Amina Umar Takaa
40. Aliyyii Ahmed Musa
41. Gidanaa Muusee Daadee
42. Ahmed Bakar Birkaa
43. Obsaa Amaan Sheekoo
44. Abdoo Kaliifaa
45. Nagaash Mohamed Idris
46. Mohamed Gazaalii sh. Amaan
47. Arabuu Hussen Abdurahmaan
48. Nuuraa Abdurahmaan Sheekaa
49. MUhyadiin Kamaal Amaan
50. Mohamed Aamadee Ulumee
51. Umar Mahamud Umaree
52. Husseen Jaaraa Sulxee
53. Abama Nyalata Abit
54. Mohamed dheeree
55. Almuu Bayanaa
56. Mohamed Bile Ahmed Yuusuf
57. Wandasan Baqalaa
58. Sulaymaan Ma’alim Warsame

Sincerely,
Qotto Gufuu

CC: H. E. Ban Ki-moon
Secretary-General
The United Nations
New York. NY 10017