
The Somali writer, Mohamed Mukhtar in London:  Even    before Ethiopia invaded Somalia, there was no consensus within Somalis    to give the TFG a chance to govern, due to Addis Ababa’s hand in the    election or selection of the Transitional Federal Government in 2004 in    Nairobi. That mistrust has widened when the Transitional Federal    Government (TFG) called for the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia. The TFG    is, therefore, seen as a puppet regime which is morally bankrupted and    unable to act freely in the interest of the Somali people. And the call    to end Ethiopian’s occupation of Somalia and the removal of the TFG is    gaining momentum.
  
  
  Since Somalia’s affairs are infinitely complicated, it is an arduous    undertaking to develop a route map that can lead Somalia back to    normality. In this paper, I am making a set of prescriptions that I    consider it to be a suitable answer to the chronic situation that    Somalia finds itself today. Firstly, I will outline what needs to be    done if the TFG is made to realise that it has failed as a government.    Secondly, I will argue what the natural response will be if the TFG is    allowed to hang on power and continues to serve essentially at the    convenience of the political and economic interests of its backers,    which seems to be the case at the moment.
  
  I am fully aware that what I have in mind could be difficult for some to    accept. It might taste as a bitter pill to swallow, but my suggestion is    based on the reality on the ground. No one can deny that what we see    today is on a course leading nowhere (a cull de sac) or a vicious circle    that has no end and while in the meantime both the country and people    are suffering.
  
  Amenable response
  
  This response is possible when the TFG and the international community    accept that the TFG does not have what it takes to lead Somalia and call    for an all-inclusive and genuine reconciliation. The following    suggestions should not necessarily be implemented in a sequential    manner; in fact, some of them should occur simultaneously. However, if    the international community chooses to see Somalia through green-tinted    spectacles or the TFG uses coercive measures to silence its opponent,    the amenable response is a non-starter.
  
  The International community
  
  A UN-backed government, an internationally-recognised government, a    Western-backed government, an Ethiopian-backed government are some of    the names that are used to describe the TFG. Unfortunately, none of    these names makes the TFG a generally accepted one. Throughout Somalia’s    troubled history solution imposed by outsiders has zero chance to    succeed. In other words, the international community can make a    government for Somalia but it cannot force the people to accept it. U.S.    Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer recently    said, “One of the key tasks in front of us is the security of that    government and those people particularly as we see an increase in    violence or mortar attacks in Mogadishu.” For the last three years, the    international community has been trying unsuccessfully to legitimize the    TFG. Therefore, it is time that the international community changes its    attitude of ‘we know what is good for Somalis’ to ‘Somalis know what is    good for them’. The TFG is part of the problem and not part of the    solution. Hence, keeping the TFG on a life supporting machine will only    prolong Somalia’s agony and hardly makes it a popular government.
  
  A Somali Mediation Council
  
  Once the international community recognises that the TFG cannot    function, I wish to propose the establishment of a Council of genuine    Somalis who have the interest of the Nation at heart and who profoundly    understand the root-cause of the problem. A Council which enjoys the    trust of all the sections of the Somali society and with the people’s    mandate to bring peace and can find viable solution to break the    impasse. A Council with the ownership of its commission, and not guided    by foreigners, who can play the role of honest brokers.
  
  The Council will lead the country for the remaining two years mandate of    the present government This Council’s priority should be the building of    bridge between the different groups in Somalia so that they could, at    least, normalise the situation and call for truce in order to work out    for the implementation of the provisions of the Provisional Charter. I    know it is difficult to convince certain quarters; however, we need a    new approach to solve an old problem.
  
  Cessation of Hostilities
  
  Once the Council is formed, the influential leaders of the Islamic    Courts and other actors need to exert maximum effort to contribute to    building peace and stability in the country by ceasing hostilities, not    only in the capital, but also in other parts of the country. This is    hard to achieve due to multiple conflicting interests and the lack of    political will among the groups. Nevertheless, one must try. This will    enable the Council to operate freely in a friendly environment so that    it can take up the task of finding a lasting solution to the country’s    problem.
  
  We have to understand that the enmity created within the society during    the past decade and a half of civil war, and current political crisis    being so strong, the people have lost the sense of trust and the fear of    revenge is always present in the minds of the Somali people.
  
  Deployment of peacekeepers
  
  Sheikh Sharif Ahmed recently told the Aljazeera Television: “The problem    cannot be resolved by international forces because what has happened is    an invasion and following up on that with international forces will    further complicate the crisis”. The widely shared belief is that    Somalia’s problems should be solved by Somalis alone. Unfortunately,    with whatever pretext, Somalia is today under Ethiopia’s occupation,    which for any normal Somali would be hard to accept it. And as long as    the presence of Ethiopian forces in Somali soil persists, the    achievement of peaceful environment conducive to better understanding    between the different groups in Somalia will remain illusive. To end the    presence of Ethiopian troops International peacekeepers should be    deployed but it is important to ensure that Ethiopia troops do not    constitute part of the international forces.
  
  An effective nationalistic group
  
  Ethiopia started to undermine Abdiqasim’s government through Somalia    Reconciliation and Reconstruction Council (SRRC), which was built up    around a number of warlords and other faction leaders. The subsequent    failure of the TNG led to two years of plodding negotiations in Kenya.    In 2004, the SRRC emerged the winner when Abdullahi Yusuf became the    president of Transitional Federal Government and its members dominate    the TFIs. The Islamic Courts were the only effective opposition that    challenged the hegemony of the SRRC. Ethiopian occupation is    unacceptable to most Somalis however disunity and poor coordination    among them had created an environment that Ethiopia could exploit.
  
  
  
  SRRC is an Ethiopian backed group and it is unlikely to divorce    Ethiopian sympathizers from Somalia’s politics; therefore, to counter    this, it is important to create an effective nationalistic group that    truly embodies Somalia’s values and identity. Somalis deserve to have a    government full of honest intellectuals and not a government full of    Ethiopian-handpicked ministers.
  
  Recalcitrant response
  
  If the government fails to listen to the many voices calling for a    genuine reconciliation and chooses to serve its backers, in broad    outline if not every particular, a recalcitrant response will become    inevitable. Dr. Michael A. Weinstein also expressed the same concern in    his article ‘Somalia’s Political Future Appears to be its Pre-Courts    Past’. In it he said: “With the T.F.G. haltingly struggling for power    and authority, and determined to avoid genuine power sharing; the clans    and sub-clans, and their warlords asserting themselves; and an incipient    Islamist insurgency forming that will league with disaffected sub-clans    and warlords, reversion to political fragmentation is underway in    Somalia.” Under this difficult circumstance, creating an effective,    credible national movement that can arrest Ethiopia’s occupation of    Somalia and offer a government that has the welfare of its people closer    to heart will be a top priority. If this movement is to succeed, it must    not only liberate Somalia but it must also address the dynamics behind    Somalia’s ills.
  
  In conclusion, the international community should allow Somalis bring    about peace in their own country, in the way they deem it necessary and    their decision must be respected without prejudice. The TFG should    realise that the only way out from the present political dilemma is    through a national reconciliation free from foreign interference and    that it is good to leave the stage before the stage caves in. for the    Somalis, it may seem to reach acceptable solutions is as difficult as it    has been since the last decade and a half, ending Ethiopia’s occupation    must be the first step towards the long road to recovery while keeping    in mind that a nation cannot be built on the basis of collective    amnesia.       
 
 
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